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November 7, 2026
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‘We’re New Miyas’: BJP’s Move to Brand Some Assamese Muslims ‘Indigenous’ Sparks Debate Ahead of Elections

As the northeastern Indian state of Assam gears up for crucial elections, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has embarked on a strategic outreach to its sizable Muslim population, estimated at around 4 million. In a surprising move, the party has begun labeling some sections of Assamese Muslims as ‘indigenous,’ specifically referring to them as ‘new miyas.’ This initiative marks a significant shift in BJP’s political narrative in a region often marked by ethno-political complexities and tensions around the definition of indigenous identity.

The term ‘miya’ has historically been a controversial label used in Assam to describe Bengali-origin Muslims who migrated to the region, often seen by many locals as outsiders. Traditionally, these communities face social and political marginalization, including challenges related to citizenship and land rights under the National Register of Citizens (NRC) and the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA).

The BJP’s move to recognize some Assamese Muslims as ‘indigenous’ is seen as a tactical attempt to consolidate electoral support among a section of Muslims who might feel alienated by other political forces and the moderate stance of the Congress and other regional parties. By embracing the ‘new miyas’ identity, the party hopes to create a narrative of inclusion, appealing to those Muslims who have deep roots in Assam but continue to face socio-political exclusion.

However, the reception among the Muslim community has been mixed. While some appreciate the gesture as a step toward political recognition and inclusion, many remain deeply sceptical of the BJP’s real intentions. Critics argue that this could be a calculated political gimmick rather than a genuine move towards solving the longstanding issues of identity and belonging.

Experts on Assamese society point out that Assam’s ethnic and social fabric is exceedingly complex, with multiple indigenous groups asserting their identity rights. The BJP’s selective inclusion may exacerbate existing divisions rather than promote harmony. There is also concern that this rebranding might be used to fragment the Muslim vote, thereby weakening opposition parties before the elections.

The political contest in Assam is fraught with concerns about citizenship, migration, and cultural preservation, issues that have repeatedly shaped public discourse and electoral outcomes. The BJP faces the challenge of balancing its Hindu nationalist core with the pragmatism needed to appeal to a diverse electorate.

Election analysts note that while reaching out to Muslims is a practical necessity given the community’s size and influence, the BJP risks alienating its traditional voter base among indigenous Hindus, who might view such policies as diluting their identity claims.

Moreover, the BJP’s move reflects a broader trend in Indian politics where parties recalibrate identity politics to gain electoral advantage. Naming some Assamese Muslims as ‘indigenous’ could serve as a precedent for other regions grappling with similar questions of identity and inclusion.

Ultimately, whether this strategy will translate into electoral gains for the BJP remains to be seen. The skepticism among many Assamese Muslims suggests that trust is yet to be won, and political labels may not suffice in addressing deeper issues of social justice and integration.

As Assam approaches its elections, the unfolding dynamics around indigenous identity and political allegiance in the Muslim community will be a critical area to watch, signaling the evolving nature of identity politics in India’s northeast.

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